Chapter Nine: The King Standing Shoulder to Shoulder with Luo

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This chaotic environment provided fertile ground for Osman’s rise. Although the state was established through ghazi warfare, no one forbade fighting alongside non-Muslims in these holy wars. Thus, many Christian soldiers were present in Osman’s various campaigns. Even to this day, Armenians remain a significant source of manpower for the Ottomans. Moreover, despite the Chagatai Khanate’s control over the Balkans, some Serbian knights, dissatisfied with the khanate’s rule, defected to Osman’s side. This bolstered the Ottomans’ actual military strength considerably.

Before the outbreak of full-scale war, Timur still employed traditional tactics, sending agents to launch propaganda attacks against Osman and calling for a jihad against him. Soon, forces from the Chagatai Khanate, France, and others responded, dispatching troops to join the holy war. They planned to advance from the Caucasus, Constantinople, and Cilicia, creating a pincer movement that would leave Osman struggling to defend on all fronts.

When Sultan Bayezid heard that Timur intended to attack him, he was furious. He immediately condemned Timur in his capacity as the “Ghazi of all Ghazis” and called for a jihad against him. Bayezid struck swiftly, defeating the vanguard of the Chagatai near Nicaea. While the Chagatai Khanate was busy regrouping, the Sultan, accompanied by elite Serbian guards, hastened eastward to join forces with local troops, aiming to defeat Timur first.

As the two armies neared each other, the Ottomans were surprised to find that Timur’s forces included a large number of Persians. Persians were traditionally regarded as weak soldiers, so their presence suggested that Timur’s strength was far less than his boasts. Bayezid, falling into the trap of underestimating his enemy, failed to choose a battlefield favorable to himself and even rushed into battle without allowing his troops to rest.

However, Timur’s Persian troops fought with remarkable tenacity, preventing the Ottomans from breaking through. Meanwhile, discontented Turkic soldiers within the Ottoman ranks betrayed them on the battlefield. The Ottoman army suffered a crushing defeat, and Bayezid was captured alive by Timur.

This devastating loss brought the Ottoman state to the brink of collapse. The defeat of the strongest rival in Asia Minor greatly benefited the Chagatai Khanate, whose court felt the need to express gratitude and sincerity to further strengthen their friendship with Timur’s empire.

The Chagatai Khanate and Timur’s realm were brotherly states with different fathers, mothers, and religions. Timur, as the Emperor’s uncle, had upheld the khanate’s house and earned great military achievements, which had to be proclaimed to the world.

The khanate’s court announced that the decline of Rome had lasted a long time. The former khan, Dirik, had divided the world into four Uluses, governed by two khans and two viceroys, to maintain stability. Yet chaos persisted, and the four Uluses fought among themselves, leaving Rome still divided.

Now, with the fierce enemies being defeated one by one, the revival of Rome was within reach. After consultation with the great khan and his vassals, it was solemnly decided to bestow upon Timur the title of “Co-Emperor of Rome.” From then on, all would be Romans.

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Timur himself was initially unclear about the meaning of this title, only sensing that it sounded impressive. Later, he realized it was essentially an honorary title.

The Chagatai Khanate had a unique interpretation of “Rome,” viewing it as an identity rather than a geographical entity. In theory, anyone in the world could be Roman. Even Master Huang, the venerable scholar from Guo Kang’s grandfather’s era, who was well-versed in Central Plains literature, supported this view.

Master Huang’s logic was that Rome equated to the Great Qin—the Great Qin was akin to the Central Plains—and all those resembling the Central Plains could be called Romans. This idea was highly regarded by the marquises of the Han dynasty and became an official scholarly doctrine. Therefore, in the eyes of the Chagatai, declaring another as Roman was a high-level compliment and a means of winning favor.

As for the title of Co-Emperor of Rome, it effectively designated the rulers of other Roman states.

Scholars with a Central Plains background found the concept of a dual-emperor state difficult to accept and thus treated it as a form of honorary title. As the saying goes in theater, it was a “Roman title worn side by side with the king,” awarded to those with immense contributions.

For example, after accepting this honor, Timur’s empire could be called the “Roman State of the Riverlands,” with Timur himself titled “Roman Khan of the Riverlands.”

Similarly, another traditional ally of the khanate, France, was also very interested in the Roman title. Shortly after this event, the French king spent a fortune to obtain the title “Frankish Roman Emperor.”

In principle, these titles were comparable and fell under the category of “Co-Emperor.” The differences in naming arose only because of their original titles, but since all bore the character “Roman” in their names, their essence was the same.

After reaffirming their alliance, they turned their sights on the Mamluk Sultanate. The coalition clashed with the Mamluk main forces in Syria, but at a critical moment, a rebellion broke out in Egypt, triggered by the Caucasian Mamluks opposing the sultan.

The rebels promised that if supported as the new sultan, they would recognize Timur as overlord and agree to the Chagatai Khanate’s demands regarding ports, maintaining peace and mutual non-aggression going forward.

The Chagatai Khanate had long-standing contacts with the rebels and sent a force from Cyprus to reinforce Alexandria. Upon learning of the trouble at home, the Mamluk main army was thrown into disarray, and the sultan, eager to retreat, was defeated by Timur en route.

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Following the victory, the victors began dividing the territories expelled by the Mamluk Sultanate. The Chagatai Khanate received the northern Syrian city of Antioch.

When Heraclius was forced to abandon Syria centuries ago, he lamented the loss at the border, saying, “Farewell, beautiful Syria.” This time marked the first recovery of the land by the Romans since the Arab conquest.

The khan’s court was immensely pleased and held grand ceremonies in both the capital and Antioch to reward the troops and honor the populace.

In Constantinople’s great hippodrome, the court hosted a Nadam festival lasting 100 days, hiring a large troupe of Mongolian wrestlers from the steppe who performed daily alongside Greeks.

Citizens watched various combat events by day and, after drinking late into the night, engaged in unrestricted wrestling with the timid Keshiks who tried to maintain order. After several months, everyone felt exhilarated, as if the glorious age of Rome had returned.

In Antioch, the court held ceremonies to honor the previous khans dating back to Heraclius. The entire city was adorned with sacred images of past khans, the Heavenly Father Arohatian, the Heavenly Brother Yishu, and other religious figures, creating a solemn atmosphere.

In the port and city, grand water and land rituals were held on such a scale that the Orthodox patriarch’s emissaries were insufficient, forcing them to enlist many lamas and monks to assist.

The festivities continued with great merriment, much to everyone’s delight. Even the nearby Arab lords, specially invited by the court to strengthen relations, drank grape juice for over half a month, their faces flushed with satisfaction.

This victory finally opened a maritime route from the khanate to the Indian Ocean. Subsequently, negotiations with countries such as the Javanese Yuan aimed at establishing direct trade found a tangible basis.